COVID-19 and Power Games in Africa: Can Sino-African Relations Withstand?
Author(s)
Download Full PDF Pages: 113-129 | Views: 714 | Downloads: 163 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4990658
Abstract
Since the colonial era until this beginning of the twenty-first century, the African continent continues to remain a power games ground. The era of "colonial power games" has already passed on the continent. Rather, just at the end of the Second World War, with the independence of the African countries, it replaced to the "neo-colonial power games" via the competitions: "capitalist-communist", "Anglo-Saxon-Francophone" and "conservative-progressive" — since the beginning of the twenty-first century until this COVID-19 era. The African market, political support, raw materials and geostrategic [geopolitics] have been the stakes of these power games in Africa for a long time. COVID-19, just came to play the role of accelerator of these games through its rise in level. In these games to the lee of COVID-19, the "conservatives" — dominated by the United States, are no longer just watching and criticizing, they have now gone on the offensive. The "progressives" — represented here by China, are rather retreating more and more to the defensive. Thus, Sino-African relations are being pushed further and further at the risk of its collapse. Because it is the "soft power" that serves as a means to the “mutual conservative-progressive jostling” in these games. While the sum of "conservatives’ soft power" looks to be more powerful than that of the "progressives" in Africa. But this paper, by taking the subprime crisis as its historical fact of analysis and game theory as its theoretical explanatory basis, rather explains and demonstrates why Sino-African relations may well withstand in these "conservative-progressive power games" in Africa during this COVID-19 era, even though they are being pushed further by the "conservative’s offensive”.
Keywords
Conservative-Progressive Competition, Power Games in Africa, Sino-African Relations
References
i. Abdelhak Bassou, "Ressources naturelles et réalités géopolitiques de l’Afrique", in OCP Policy Center, Policy Brief, Mai 2017.
ii. Banque Africaine de Développement et Fond Africain de Développement, "L’effet de la crise financière mondiale sur l’afrique", ECON Bureau de l’Economiste en chef, 2019.
iii. Benjamin Mwadi Makengo, “China’s Increasing Engagement in Africa: Opportunity and Futurisk for DRC’s Sustainable Development”, in International Journal of Management Sciences and Business Research, 05, 2020.
iv. Benjamin Mwadi Makengo, “Competitive Globalization and Quest for Strategic Minerals: DRC’s Cobalt at the Heart of New Global Stakes, towards the Resource’s Trap?”, in International Journal of Management Sciences and Business Research, 06, 2020.
v. Benjamin Mwadi Makengo, “COVID-19 and US-China word war: What should Africa do?”, in International Journal of Innovation and Scientific Research, vol. 48, no. 2, May 2020.
vi. Benjamin Mwadi Makengo, “Globalization and Power Strategies: A Look at the US-China Trade War”, in International Journal of Management Sciences and Business Research, 01, 2020.
vii. Bradley Lightbody, The Cold War, Routledge, 1999.
viii. Chandra Chari (eds), Superpower Rivalry and Conflict: The Long Shadow of the Cold War on the 21st Century, Routledge, 2010.
ix. Filip Reyntjens, The Great African War Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996–2006, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2009.
x. George K. Zestos, The Global Financial Crisis: From US subprime mortgages to European sovereign debt, Routledge, 2016.
xi. Hillary Clinton, "America ‘s Pacific Century, in Foreign Policy, 2011.
xii. John J. Mearsheimer, Why Leaders Lie: The Truth About Lying in International Politics, Oxford University Press, 2011.
xiii. John J., Mearsheimer, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, Yale University Press, 2018.
xiv. John J., Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001.
xv. John Von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern, Theory of Games and Economic Behaviour, Princeton University Press, 3rded., 1953.
xvi. Joseph Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature Of American Power, NY.: Basic Books, 1991, pp.1-306.;
xvii. Joseph Nye, Soft Power: The Means To Success in World Politics, PublicAffairs, 2004.
xviii. Joseph Nye, The Future of Power, PublicAffairs, 2011.
xix. Joseph Nye, The Powers to Lead, Oxford University Press, 2008.
xx. Matthew Levinger, “Why the U.S. Government Failed to Anticipate the Rwandan Genocide of 1994: Lessons for Early Warning and Prevention”, in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, Volume 9 Issue 3, 2016.
xxi. Michael J., Green, “The Legacy of Obama ‘s Pivot‖ to Asia‖”, in Foreign Affairs, 2016.
xxii. Nadia Chahed, "Afrique/Coronavirus: le PIB pourrait passer de 3,2% à 1,8 % en 2020 (CNUCED)", in https://www.aa.com.tr/fr/afrique/afrique-coronavirus-le-pib-pourrait-passer-de-3-2-à-1-8-en-2020 cnuced/1781852, 27.03.2020. (accessed the 20th August 2020).
xxiii. Paul J. Magnarella, “The Background and Causes of the Genocide in Rwanda”, in Journal of International Criminal Justice, Volume 3, Issue 4, 1 September 2005.
xxiv. Petre-Grenouill, From Slave Trade to Empire: European Colonisation of Black Africa 1780s-1880s, Routledge, 2004.
xxv. Pierre Brocheux (dir), Décolonisations au XXe siècle. La fin des empires Européens et Japonais, Armand Colin, 2012.
xxvi. Richard C. Bush, “A One-China Policy Primer”, in Center for East Asia Policy Studies, march 2017.
xxvii. Roland Anthony Oliver and Anthony Atmore, Africa since 1800, Cambridge University Press, 2005.
xxviii. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, “World Population Prospects 2019: Highlights”, (ST/ESA/SER.A/423), 2019.
xxix. Zulfqar Khan and Fouzia Amin, ““Pivot” and “Rebalancing”: Implications for Asia-Pacific Region”, in Policy Perspectives, Vol.12, n°.2, 2015.
Cite this Article: